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Cyprus in the register

Partial coverageNamed from: €500

Declared
€20.0m
€19,985,016
Donations
5,280
2016–2026
Donors
2,606
named in the register
Recipients
27
11 parties
Top 1% of donors
22%
of all money declared

Largest donors

#DonorTypeGiftsPartiesTotal
1 ΕΛΕΝΗ ΜΑΥΡΟΥOther Other 10 1 €342,670
2 Masterstar Trading LTDCompany Company 8 1 €330,000
3 ΟΠΑΠ (ΚΥΠΡΟΥ) ΛΤΔCompany Company 15 2 €243,500
4 Loel Viomichanoi LTDCompany Company 7 1 €228,500
5 ΓΙΩΡΓΟΣ ΛΟΥΚΑΙΔΗΣOther Other 10 1 €209,964
6 ΝΕΟΚΛΗΣ ΣΥΛΙΚΙΩΤΗΣOther Other 8 1 €196,708
7 Lanitis Farm LTDCompany Company 11 2 €195,000
8 Celicandia LimitedCompany Company 17 4 €186,000
9 ΑΝΤΡΕΑΣ ΦΑΚΟΝΤΗΣOther Other 10 1 €184,558
10 ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΣ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥOther Other 10 1 €184,193
11 ΜΑΡΙΝΑ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΥOther Other 5 1 €156,160
12 ΓΙΩΡΓΟΣ ΚΟΥΚΟΥΜΑΣOther Other 6 1 €155,533

All 2,606 donors in Cyprus

Declared donations by year

201620212026

Peak 2022: €2,955,944. Hover a bar for the year.

Parties that receive the most

PartyGroupDonorsYearsDeclared
Ανορθωτικό Κόμμα Εργαζόμενου ΛαούΑΚΕΛ The Left 1,404 2016–2025 €11,300,221
Δημοκρατικός ΣυναγερμόςΔΗΣΥ EPP 771 2018–2025 €5,247,481
Δημοκρατικό ΚόμμαΔΗΚΟ S&D 219 2020–2025 €2,132,670
Κίνημα Σοσιαλδημοκρατών ΕΔΕΚMovement for Social Democracy No group 133 2016–2025 €554,502
Δημοκρατική ΠαράταξηΔΗΠΑ No group 125 2018–2024 €513,458
Κίνημα Οικολόγων – Συνεργασία ΠολιτώνΚΟΣΠ No group 25 2016–2025 €84,040
Εθνικό Λαϊκό ΜέτωποΕΛΑΜ ECR 24 2016–2025 €78,243
Volt ΚύπροςVolt Cyprus No group 29 2023–2025 €51,917
Ενεργοί Πολίτες – Κίνημα Ενωμένων Κυπρίων ΚυνηγώνΚΕΚΚ No group 10 2021–2024 €14,500
Άλμα – Πολίτες για την ΚύπροΑΛΜΑ No group 4 2025–2026 €7,984

Latest entries

Date Donor Recipient Amount
17 Dec 2025 ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΟΥOther → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €1,000
29 Nov 2025 Οδυσσέας ΜιχαηλίδηςOther → Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Party €2,500
28 Nov 2025 Χριστόφορος ΚούτσακοςOther → Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Party €556
26 Nov 2025 Κωνσταντίνος ΜιλτιάδουOther → Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Άλμα – Πολίτες για την Κύπρο Party €1,000
24 Nov 2025 ΠΑΝΤΕΛΗΣ ΝΕΟΦΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙ ΛΤΔCompany → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €500
20 Nov 2025 ΝΕΟΚΛΗΣ ΙΩΝΑOther → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €500
29 May 2025 CHR & Mavrides Trading CO LTDCompany → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €10,000
9 Apr 2025 Ξάνθος ΧριστοδούλουOther → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €500
27 Mar 2025 ΠΑΝΤΕΛΗΣ ΝΕΟΦΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙ ΛΤΔCompany → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €500
3 Jan 2025 ΠΟΛΥΔΩΡΟΣ ΠΟΛΥΔΩΡΟΥOther → Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Εθνικό Λαϊκό Μέτωπο Party €1,000

Rules and sources

Disclosure threshold
€500
Legal framework
Principal law: Ο περί Πολιτικών Κομμάτων Νόμος του 2012 (Political Parties Law, N. 175(I)/2012), as amended by 12(I)/2015, 171(I)/2015, 35(I)/2018 and 187(I)/2021; lobbying is governed by Law 20(I)/2022 on transparency in public decision-making. Each party must publish on its own website by 30 June, and submit to the Έφορος (the Director-General of the Ministry of the Interior, who keeps the register of parties), a named list of the natural and legal persons who contributed more than EUR 500 in the previous year; the cap is EUR 50,000 per donor per year (EUR 5,000 in specific cases) and anonymous donations are prohibited. The Έφορος forwards the accounts to the Auditor General (Ελεγκτική Υπηρεσία), who checks them and publishes special reports; parliamentary parties receive state funding (15% shared equally, 85% in proportion to votes) and must file audited accounts within 10 months of the end of the financial year. There is no central online donations register: the data are scattered across party websites (PDF) and Audit Office reports.
Currency
EUR
Sources
Caveats
  • Cyprus has no central or machine-readable donations register: under Law 175(I)/2012 each party posts its own list of contributors above EUR 500 (by 31 March for 2016-2017, by 30 June from 2018) and sends it to the Registrar of Political Parties (Ministry of Interior), which does not publish the lists. Coverage is therefore uneven by party and year.
  • OCR: scanned lists (AKEL 2017, DIKO 2020 and 2025, NEDIK 2022-2025, DIPA 2021-2024) were read with tesseract (Greek and English models, several resolutions and page-segmentation modes, with and without table lines). Amounts must agree across English-model readings; names must be words found in the machine-readable lists, a known OCR confusion of such a word, or read identically with high confidence. Every accepted row (453) was then checked by eye against the page images. 12 rows were rejected and are not in the donations data: AKEL 2017 2 (EUR 2,392), DIKO 2020 2 (EUR 52,000; amounts confirmed by the statement balance, names unreadable), DIKO 2025 2 (EUR 1,507.06), DIPA 2021 3 (EUR 7,000; two amounts under a stamp), DIPA 2022 2 (EUR 1,250), DIPA 2024 1 (EUR 5,000). Rejected, corrected and excluded rows are listed in the downloaded files/ocr/ocr_review.csv; the tesseract output is cached in the downloaded files/ocr so re-runs give the same result. Accents are not always kept in OCR names (ΛΟΪΖΙΑΣ -> ΛΟΙΖΙΑΣ).
  • Printed totals: DIPA 2023 (incl. excluded state funding), ALMA and most DISY 2022 sections match. DISY 2022 Limassol prints a total of EUR 22,600 but its rows add up to EUR 36,579.77: the printed sum leaves out the entries typed as text with decimal commas. Rows are kept as listed. DIKO 2020 credits add up to the carried-forward total (EUR 321,865).
  • Not ingested (rechecked 2026-09-29): DIKO 2016-2019 and ELAM 2017 (no list published or archived); DIPA 2025 (site blocks automated access and the Wayback Machine holds no capture of depa.cy taken after 1 June 2026); Greens 2018-2022 (the registers were Google Drive files that now return HTTP 404 and were never archived; the party's consolidated audited statements 2013-2024, uploaded in May 2026, contain no donor lists); ALMA's other months and its PDF registers (not archived; no capture of almacy.org after 25 May 2026 holds a contributions post); EDON (AKEL youth wing) lists for 2022, 2023 and 2025 and the youth wing NEDISY of DISY (its site publishes only activity reports); DISY 2014-2017 income ledgers (general income records, not lists of contributors above EUR 500); DIPA's June-2021 version of its 2020 list (superseded by the May-2025 version); Direct Democracy (Άμεση Δημοκρατία, registered in February 2026; its first list is due in June 2027). Of the other registered parties examined by the Audit Office (Αλλαγή Γενιάς, Αλληλεγγύη, Κόμμα για τα Ζώα and others) none has a findable online list; several have no website.
  • Audit Office (audit.gov.cy; its site is behind a web application firewall, so copies came from the Wayback Machine and the Official Gazette): the 2025 consolidated compliance report on parliamentary parties (2016-2021), special report ΠΚ/08/2025 on non-parliamentary parties (Gazette 5573, 11 July 2025), the 2022 compliance audits for 2012-2015 and the election revenue/expense reports publish no named contributor lists. Annex III of the 2025 report lists contributions linked to naturalised investors by party, date and amount only, and these are already part of the party lists, so nothing was taken from these reports. Election campaign revenue/expense statements of parties and candidates are not ingested. Presidential candidates must publish their donors (in two dailies or on their campaign website) before filing their statement; the 2023 candidate lists that were found (Christodoulides: christodoulides2023.com/proedrikes-ekloges-analytiki-katastasi-eisforon, PDF removed; Colocassides: colocassides2023.com, domain expired) are no longer online and were never archived, so no candidate-level donations are included (checked 2026-09-29).
  • The Audit Office found (2025) that published lists differ from the parties' own contribution registers: DISY EUR 114,487 over 2016-2021, DIKO EUR 10,360 (2020-2021), ELAM EUR 1,500 (2021), DIPA EUR 2,500 (2021), AKEL not quantifiable. Amounts here are exactly as published by the parties.
  • Some lists contain amounts below EUR 500 (additional small payments by donors already above the threshold, the EDEK 2021 list of smaller contributions, AKEL entries in GBP) and repeated instalments by the same donor; rows are kept as published. 42 rows are identical to an earlier row of the same list in every field (the same donor and amount printed on separate lines: the Ecologists' monthly EUR 500 instalments of 2023-2024 account for most, plus a few DISY and DIPA lines); they are real repeated entries, not double counting by us, and their source ref carries 'repeated entry #n' (n >= 2) so that they can be told apart or excluded. Amounts marked £ are recorded in GBP. Several donors appear above the EUR 50,000 annual cap (e.g. EUR 58,144 from one person to AKEL in 2016); amounts are kept as printed.
  • No double counting: each list is ingested from one file even when the same list is reachable by several routes (re-uploaded DISY files, Wayback and live copies, DIPA's two versions of 2020). DIKO's youth wing (NEDIK) files a separate list from the party's central office and district committees; both are included.
  • donor kind is inferred conservatively from legal-form words (LTD, LIMITED, ΛΤΔ, ΛΙΜΙΤΕΔ, PLC, Ο.Ε.Π.Ε., BROS, ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ...). Only the DISY 2018 list flags natural (Φ) vs legal (Ν) persons; other names without a legal form are 'unknown' even when they look like personal names. Party bodies, other parties and Volt Europa are 'party'; member dues, membership cards and returned deposits are 'other'; unnamed contributors are 'anonymous'.
  • Recipients: DISY and DIKO lists are split into central office, district branches and affiliated organisations; all map to the party in recipient party. donor_locality is always empty (no addresses are published).
  • Dates are only published by DIPA (2019, 2022, 2024), DIKO 2020 (statement), ELAM 2025, ALMA and Active Citizens 2024; all other rows carry only the reporting year. ALMA rows for 2026 cover February and March only.
  • No public funding or party finance tables were ingested: state funding per party is not published as data, and party financial statements are heterogeneous (often scanned) PDFs.